Hughesair (Inflection Point)

Retired physician and air taxi operator, science writer and part time assistant professor, these editorials cover a wide range of topics. Mostly non political, mostly true, I write more from experience than from research and more from science than convention. Subjects cover medicine, Alaska aviation, economics, technology and an occasional book review. The Floatplane book is out there. I am currently working on Hippocrates a History of Medicine and Globalism. Enjoy!

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Thursday, December 10, 2020


 Organizers of trade and foreign policy that served America well initially, grew into to a shadow government, more international than constitutional or democratic. The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), a nonprofit think tank, incorporated July 1921, publishes the bimonthly journal Foreign Policy. With 4,900 members, including practically all of the past bureaucracy, the so-called deep state, and an annual revenue of 101 million, CcFR’s publications provide a virtual roadmap to US foreign policy. While much of CFR’s direction has been positive, one must acknowledge that much of our foreign policy emanates from an unelected intellectual elite that, in practice, orchestrated US strategy, publishing in Foreign Policy, thus making transparent—and predictable—any subsequent US actions. When it comes to foreign policy, transparency is not a virtue. 

Reaching far beyond the CFR, David Rockefeller, who was president of the CFR at that time, organized the initial meeting of the Trilateral Commission (TC) in 1973. The initial organizers were Rockefeller, Zbigniew Brzezinski, and Jimmy Carter, meeting to discuss global concerns and cooperation at a time when the European Union had already achieved many of these goals. The US sought cooperation between Europe, South America, Japan, and Asia, as well as securing cheap oil imports from the Middle East. The TC soon expanded to include European and Asian leaders as well as Canadian and South American. 

Members of the Trilateral Commission, now often called TriComs, included virtually the entire cabinet of all subsequent administrations until the present. Familiar names include James Baker, Lawrence Eagleburger, George Shultz, Cyrus Vance, Alexander Haig, Henry Kissinger, Warren Christopher, and Harold Brown. Every administration, including President Obama’s and President Obama himself, contributed to a philosophy of discouraging nationalism to foster business, banking, and government cooperation between Europe, North America, and Asia. 

The TC allocates its 400-member votes as follows: 20 Canada; 13 Mexico; 87 US; 20 Germany; 18 for France, Italy, and the UK; 12 for Spain; and 1-6 for the rest of Europe, totaling 170 members. For Asia’s 117 members: 75 Japan; 11 South Korea; 7 Australia and New Zealand; 9 for China, Hong Kong, Taiwan; and 15 for South east Asia including Thailand. Thus, the US holds about a 21% voice in an international organization whose policies strongly influenced virtually every administration from 1973 until the present (major cause of the bureaucratic sedition against the present administration—opinion). 

During President Carter’s presidential campaign in 1976, and his presidency, news media and opponents paid little attention to the influence of the TC. Former members of the commission made up virtually all the top positions in Carter’s administration: vice-president, secretary of state, treasury, national security advisor, defense, and many others. Members were required to resign from the TC prior to assuming government office. This association held true for every administration, Democratic or Republican, up to and including the Obama administration. 

These unelected members of a shadow government, guided by international majority interests, constituted the decision-making backbone of every US administration, the left enamored by a sense of idealism and rejection of American institutions—a sentiment from the anti-Vietnam era—and the right by the advantages to international banking, cheap labor, profit, and “the new world order.”


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